Glory and the Goat: The Ethics of Buzkashi, Afghanistan’s Favorite Game

The question of whether blood sport and ethics are able to coexist is most pressing in discussions revolving around one of the world’s most controversial sports, buzkashi. This game, which uses a slaughtered goat as a ball, has cemented itself into Afghan culture. It is common in ceremonies celebrating everything from births to weddings and is beloved to those who understand it. The game itself is often described as battle-like, where men on horseback are involved in massive scrums bearing a resemblance to the ancient fights from which this sport emerged. Arguments made for the sake of buzkashi often cite its beginnings as a way to honor the nomadic heritage of the Turkic peoples, whose great-great grandchildren dominate the game’s culture as its chief tchopendozs, the word used to refer to buzkashi horsemen (Brecher-Dolivet). Buzkashi as a whole has largely stayed static in terms of its rules and gameplay, which has made for a particularly interesting dialogue from the rest of an evolving world. Many Western critics are shell shocked by the idea of using a disemboweled goat in sport, and subsequently deem it unethical. However, other find themselves in the middle ground, where the sport is neither understood nor debated. The question of whether or not buzkashi is ethical is shrouded by complications such as its cultural implications and its rich history, both of which lend clarity as to how a seemingly brutal game is actually a highly skillful and refined pastime.

Despite America’s love for sports, we often find ourselves stuck inside of the parameters of football, baseball, and basketball; as a result, a collective hesitance to branch out takes form in a refusal to understand what is outside of our own conventions. For example, to many Americans, buzkashi as a whole is unapproachable. While writing this essay, I asked my friends what they thought about buzkashi. Needless to say, their opinions did not go beyond general misunderstanding and shock. This initial shock distracts from the myriad of similarities that both the game and the culture surrounding it share with the American sport scene. For example, the fraternity and culture inspired by buzkashi is not dissimilar to the same pride that football fans feel.

Those who understand buzkashi in its entirety vouch for its cultural importance as well as its long-standing etiquette, which reinforces respect and honor in both gameplay and the surrounding culture. It establishes itself as a pastime as well as a way of life. Buzkashi serves not only as the national sport of Afghanistan, but also as a ritual of sorts. As National Public Radio’s Sean Carberry describes it, the game is “a test of strength, cunning and courage” (Carberry and Faizy). True to its unchanging nature, buzkashi is very much still a man’s game in Afghanistan, and boys often look forward to engaging in a game reminiscent of training for war (Carberry and Faizy ). The unpolished nature of buzkashi to the unknowing critic is softened by the rich history that it has been cultivated by. Not only is this vital to the understanding of the game as a whole, but also to the idea of brotherhood in nomadism that is shared by the Uzmans, Kazahks, and Kyrgyzs (Azoy 3). Its primary purpose as a commemoration of this binding history reiterates the idea that this is less of a game for personal glory and more of a showcase of honor. Buzkashi’s comparison to its Western variant as the “Central Asian polo” undermines the belief that this sport is unethical and uncivilized, despite its raw and intense nature.

Buzkashi often receives unnecessary scrutiny from critics who cite its violence as a reason for mistreatment. Despite these accusations, buzkashi horses are arguably treated more humanely than those who appear in polo games attended by the elite of the Western world. The innate focus on heritage and history in Afghan culture further reinforces this idea, as folk epics telling of nomadism throughout the centuries hold one saying to be true: the hero is only as good as his horse (Azoy 11). This is reflected in the contemporary scene of buzkashi today, as the reputation of wealthy khans who dominate the game is determined by how healthy their horses are. A well-bred and well-kept horse can play the sport for upwards of twenty years (Carberry and Faizy Not only is there an immense amount of honor behind the preparation for buzkashi, but there is a staggering input of funding by these khans, businessmen, corporations, and even the government. By contrast, polo horses are notoriously overworked and looked after with less care than that of which is given to buzkashi horses. Those who buy polo ponies are less interested in the horse and more so in the clout it brings. During long polo tournaments with hefty sums at stake, horses can be subjected to being prodded with strips of tape with sharp points to keep them restless as well as whippings and beatings with rods (Gandhi). The normalization of this treatment in tandem with the elite culture surrounding it is what has solidified polo as an acceptable pastime. However, the cruelty runs deep: in 2009, twenty-one horses dropped dead at a championship match in Palm Beach, Florida because they were given the wrong dosages of medicine (Johnson). These animals are viewed as expendable creatures who will undoubtedly face euthanasia once the elite sees their purpose as finished. The disposable culture towards animals in American polo is not present in Afghan society, which instead reiterates the importance of respecting the animal before, during, and after the buzkashi match.

The idea of respecting animals in all senses is championed by animal rights activist groups, vegetarians, and vegans across the globe. It is fair to assume that a game that not only involves horseback gameplay but a disemboweled goat is misaligned with the principles of these belief systems. Many animal rights groups find themselves in the middle ground, where they reject the fashion in which buzkashi is played but agree that it shares similarities with polo. In fact, Animal Rights Watch US journalist Rod Nordland called buzkashi “a particularly vicious type of polo” citing how Afghans “seem to stage fights with nearly every kind of animal” at buzkashi ceremonies and festivals. The focus on this game by Western journalists and activists is often centered around a lacking description of the game, which is often painted as unruly, random, and barbarian. It is both culturally insensitive and classist to provide such an analysis. In actuality, buzkashi is revered as “a ritual, a ceremony,” where the rules reflect the order and sportsmanship that the game is rooted in (Carberry). The main goal of the game is a universal staple in sports everywhere: to score by placing the ball in a designated goal. This parallels that of a variety of sports widely beloved by Western nations. It shows that beyond the game’s brutal exterior, there is common ground which can serve to lessen the divide between cultures and the games they love. Although on the surface this game is the antithesis of both Western and vegan beliefs, the outrage directed at it is harsh and ignorant of its rich history.

While Western misunderstandings are to be expected, local critics and animal rights activists in Afghanistan also question the legitimacy and legacy of buzkashi. Kazakh activist group KARE, an acronym for Kazakhstan Animal Rescue and Education, is a group fighting against the traditional gameplay by attempting to introduce a dummy goat for widespread use. In fact, officials from Kazakhstan’s Agency for Sports and Physical Training Affairs have signed onto this idea, with both parties citing an objection to the killing of a goat for sport (Bartlett). Religious figures in the Middle East as well as a younger generation seem to follow suit. Local mullahs denounce buzkashi as sinful while citizens describe the dogfights that precede buzkashi matches and the games themselves as “‘inhuman, savage and hurtful to animals’” (Nordland). In addition to this growing distaste among the general public, the influence of the Taliban stands today, who banned the “immoral” game during their rule in Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001 (Motlagh). Their lingering presence and subsequent threatening of these gatherings in modern times deters locals from engaging in buzkashi celebrations. This initiative has furthered the divide between the pastime and a generation that has not known the game without the influence of the Taliban. While many local groups and regimes denounce buzkashi for its immorality, a devout fanbase and longstanding tradition for families who play the game uphold a more accepting narrative.

Animal rights activists often fail to consider that the buz, the word used for the goat, is slaughtered in Halal fashion the morning of a buzkashi match (Carberry and Faizy). According to Muslim doctrine, which is followed by the majority of Afghanistan, the prophet Muhammed said that the one to slaughter the animal should “sharpen the knife well and feed, water and soothe the animal before killing it” (Abdullah et al). This treatment is in stark contrast to that of animals in mass slaughterhouses which produce the majority of the meat purchased and consumed in the Western world. Halal standards are based in Islamic tradition and law, both of which reflect the religion’s focus on honor and peace.  Yet Western critics, often armed with little knowledge about Halal practices or the principles behind it, place more blame on the Afghan people because of buzkashi’s “unrefined” nature. The irony is that the buzkashi goat is killed with more respect than the cows that make McDonald’s hamburgers. Ultimately, western critics fail to recognize the importance of honor throughout the game’s culture.

The primary fault with the Western critique lies not within buzkashi itself, but rather with the perception of the Middle East and Central Asia. Attacks on the sport and the culture surrounding it paint Afghanistan and nations like it as war-torn countries struggling to advance past the Soviet era. Even if an article does not launch any specific critiques on the sport, the use of language such as “[when] they arrive at the gate to the mud-walled compound, men in military fatigues carrying Kalishnikovs will pause their body searches” suggests savagery, immorality, and inferiority (Quilty). The intertwining of Islamic practices into these critiques with this harmful imagery furthers the fear that separates the Western gaze from the actuality of the sport. There is an inherently insensitive undertone in the sentence “[for] many men in Afghanistan, sports—often violent in nature—as entertainment are as ingrained in Friday’s routine as prayer” (Quilty). In a region where war, terrorism, and the Western influence run rampant, there is no place for the implementation of often racist and inaccurate portrayals of a beloved pastime.

Buzkashi’s innate connection to glory and power in Afghan culture is partly responsible for many critics’ most damning critique. Politics play a major role in the sport and are a large factor of its continued popularity. In fact, tournaments serve to “publicly test the social, economic, and political resources” of the khan or government in charge (Azoy). The scale of the tournament as well as the size of the winner’s prize money are to most a reflection of the host’s prosperity. This, in turn, reflects the hold that the host has on the political or social landscape; in buzkashi culture, a prominent and well-paying tournament is the equivalent of flaunting one’s wealth or capabilities. While politics has a definite hold on the buzkashi scene, the reverse is also true. The Afghan people’s trust in the government is reflected by their ability to stage a successful and plentiful tournament. As proven by the Marxist government that was in power during the Afghan War, regimes suffer a major dip in prestige when they lose authority and thus, an ability to support these tournaments (Azoy). Buzkashi gameplay is oftentimes used as a metaphor to allude to the power struggle that is omnipresent in Afghan politics. Some suggest the existence of a “causal relationship” between the game and politics. The sport itself is a first-order power struggle which eventually causes the fourth-order struggle for the “entire real-world political process in which buzkashi participants (and everyone else in the society) are encapsulated” (Azoy 17). Surely, the comparison of the players’ scrums and battles for control of the goat carcass to the power structure within Afghanistan is indicative of this game’s political affiliations.

The use of buzkashi as a metaphor is imperative to the understanding of the arguments for and against it. In this case, critics who deem this sport as entirely unethical base their opinions in the idea that this is more than a sport. Buzkashi, to these critics, is much less of a lighthearted spectacle reminiscent of the excitement of a Western rodeo or American football and more of a representation of an unethical and exploitative system (Carberry and Faizy). In addition to its comparison to Afghan politics, buzkashi’s harsh nature also earns allusions to violence, particularly against women. The strongest argument against the principle of the sport is not in how the horses or goats are treated, but rather in the way that the sport alludes to female suffering. In poet Diana Khoi Nguyen’s piece entitled “Buzkashi,” the woman takes place of the buz as a husband “saws off each hoof, just above the ankle, her knees bent for praying.” This perspective lends clarity to the idea that the sport is violent to the core and utilizes it as a cultural critique. Its power as a metaphor, whether it is supportive or critical of the sport, further cements buzkashi as a center point both in lifestyle and sport.

The numerous interpretations and perspectives on perhaps what is the most interesting sport in the world is what gives buzkashi its allure. Its unapologetic and brash nature is perhaps the factor which has enabled it to withstand the test of time and unrest in Afghanistan. As for the game itself, its ability to remain largely the same since ancient times despite these conditions makes it a historical spectacle. Its threefold nature as a show of masculinity, a political power struggle, and cultural commentary reflects its flexible nature and interpretation. Despite its unrefined image, buzkashi is among the most finely honed games in the world in terms of cultural significance. . The connections and allusions made to politics and society, whether negative or positive, further prove the importance of buzkashi in Afghan culture. The sport of goat-pulling is quite possibly the most vital aspect to the nomadic backstory and emerging future of Afghanistan as a whole. There are ethical concerns with such organized violence, and strong ones at that; however, these only become apparent when critics look beneath this shocking forefront and examine the religious and historical undertones of buzkashi, Afghanistan’s favorite game.

Works Cited

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Motlagh, Jason. “Trouble lurks for Afghanistan’s beloved ‘goat grabbing’ national sport.” National Geographic, 2 Feb. 2021, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/2021/02/trouble-lurks-for-buzkashi-afghanistan-goat-grabbing-national-sport/#close.

Nordland, Rod. “In Afghan Blood Sports, the Animals Aren’t the Only Ones Fighting.” The New York Times, 30 Apr. 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/30/world/asia/afghanistan-dogfighting.html.

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